However, three of these new specialized institutions, including the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU), currently lack permanent leadership. Cases of grand corruption fall under the jurisdiction of a set of specialized anti-corruption bodies dedicated to investigation, prosecution, high court, and asset recovery. Ukraine has built the most transparent political-economic system anywhere, featuring the world’s first public beneficial ownership registry, most transparent public procurement system, most well-enforced and comprehensive asset declarations, first public database of politically exposed persons, and other innovative digital disclosure systems. Ukrainian anti-corruption reforms since 2014 have been making that harder, according to a case study published by the U.S. That’s because, for as long as Putin has ruled Russia, he has tried to subvert Ukrainian democracy by bankrolling pro-Russian political parties in Ukraine and controlling media outlets there through his favored oligarchs. And beyond the need to protect Western taxpayers, anti-corruption is key to protecting the national sovereignty that Ukrainians are sacrificing so much to maintain. Just one or two major corruption scandals in Ukraine could harm bipartisan U.S. When it comes to funding the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine, attaching policy conditions will be essential, starting with anti-corruption reforms. The Republican lawmaker expected to chair the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Michael McCaul of Texas, supports Ukraine, but also says he will lead the effort for “more oversight and accountability in terms of the funding and where the money is going.” If Biden and Democrats create the inspector general now, that should reduce the chance of the security aid being mischaracterized by House Republicans as fueling corruption and the risk of spoiling the well for future bipartisan support for Ukraine’s other needs, such as money for reconstruction. Senator Rand Paul tried and failed to attach that requirement to the $40 billion package in May, but he shared his views on Ukraine oversight in a closed-door meeting with House lawmakers, presenting the likelihood that this will become an important initiative under Republican House control. But such an enormous appropriation of taxpayer resources should come with the designation of an inspector general, potentially modeled after the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR). Security aid should not have strings attached in the form of policy conditions to be undertaken by the Ukrainian government. In our view, Congress should double this contemplated amount, giving Ukraine $100 billion to survive on through the entire two-year House term. Some in Congress are already considering including some $50 billion for Ukraine in an omnibus spending bill, which is enough to ensure Ukraine can get through the next year with funding levels in the same order of magnitude as the $65 billion Congress has allocated since February. That means that the lame duck congressional session coming up will be a crucial time for Biden and the Democratic majority to secure significant long-term funding for Ukraine. He recently warned that House Republicans are “not going to write a blank check to Ukraine.” Influential outside GOP voices such as the Fox commentator Tucker Carlson have been even more hostile. While Democratic support should help ensure that a majority of votes on the House floor continue to favor assistance, Republicans will probably be led by Kevin McCarthy. In May, 57 House Republicans voted against a $40 billion aid package to Ukraine, and many others said this was the last time they would vote in favor. But support for Ukraine among Republicans has fallen over the past eight months, likely for partisan reasons, as President Joe Biden’s success in rallying the world to help defend Ukraine is increasingly seen as his top foreign policy accomplishment. The need to back Ukraine in its war against Russia – in order to uphold a rules-based world order that delivers freedom, peace, and prosperity rather than rivalry, war, and subjugation by Moscow and Beijing – is well-understood by Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, former Vice President Mike Pence, and still about half of Republican survey respondents. And from the president on down, all who support Ukraine should use the moment to do something that is difficult but necessary for many reasons, including to sway skeptics in the long-term – that is, Ukraine’s advocates should insist it prioritize anti-corruption. As much help as possible should be secured for Ukraine in the coming lame duck session. That is not only a challenge but also an opportunity. Key members of the potential incoming House caucus and outside influencers have suggested resistance to further aid. House of Representatives poses a potential obstacle for support to Ukraine.
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